Yokai Encyclopedia

Toriyama Sekien drew on a transformation tale in the Book of Rites to imagine a turban shell becoming an oni. His creature retains its shell but grows human arms and opens an eye in its operculum. The point is less an attack upon people than a playful visualization of the idea that anything in nature might change into an uncanny form. Early modern Hyakki Yagyō scrolls also personify shellfish, making Sazae-oni part of a wider pictorial shore crowded with animate natural things. It is therefore better read as an emblem of spirit residing in coastal nature than as a monster from a specific village's attack story. The bawdy pirate anecdote popularized much later bears strong signs of modern invention and should not be confused with Sekien's original image.

Seiryū is not a dragon standing alone, but a numinous beast that takes on meaning only within the directional system of the Four Symbols. This edition traces its astronomical origin and its reception in Japan. The origin lies in the heavens. Chinese astronomy distributed the twenty-eight lunar mansions across the four quarters, seven to each, and likened the chain of stars of the seven eastern mansions (Horn, Neck, Root, Room, Heart, Tail, Winnowing Basket) to a single dragon. This is Seiryū. The Huainanzi's "Treatise on the Patterns of Heaven" makes the emperor of the east Taihao and its beast the Azure Dragon, assigning it to the Wood phase and spring, weaving the five directions, five colors, five seasons, and Five Phases into a single cosmology. The "Treatise on the Celestial Offices" of the Records of the Grand Historian likewise makes the eastern palace of heaven the Azure Dragon, binding constellation to numinous beast. The azure of Seiryū is the color of the Wood phase, figuring the rising life-force of spring in the east. Its deep layer is engraved in relics. The lacquer garment chest from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (c. 433 BCE), the oldest astronomical relic to bear the names of the twenty-eight mansions, depicts the Azure Dragon and White Tiger as a pair. In the Han period, the patterns of the Four Symbols adorned roof tiles, bronze mirrors, and pictorial stones, becoming emblems that warded off evil and summoned fortune. In Japan, the Four Symbols were received as a theory of astronomy, tomb-building, and capital planning. The Four Symbols' banners of the first year of Taihō (701) in the Shoku Nihongi are the certain literary first appearance, and in iconography the Azure Dragon on the eastern wall of the Kitora Tomb in Asuka survives as one wing of a four-direction-complete mural of the Four Symbols. Thus Seiryū was placed between star and terrain, as the guardian beast that governs the east and brings the spring.

Said to be a female great serpent dwelling in the pond of Chokeiji in Izumi Province. Leading many snakes, she was styled the “Serpent King,” quietly watching over people near the temple grounds. Around the Bunsei era, she fell for the beauty of the abbot, Zen monk Shoyama, and slipped into the temple disguised as a lost woman. Sensing something amiss, the abbot struck her with a blade. As she lay dying, the serpent vowed to protect Chokeiji. Thereafter the pond became a place of memorial offerings and reverence, tied to taboos against harming snakes and to prayers for rain and abundant harvests. The origin of her title and its rank remain unclear, likely influenced by regional worship of serpent kings (Ja-o, Ja-o Gongen). Though the pond was later filled in and no visible remains survive, her image endures in local oral tradition and temple lore.

Rooted in Sekien’s picture manuals, this tsukumogami-style portrayal recasts rivalry among ceramic centers like Seto and Karatsu into the guise of a warrior effigy. The body is a composite of cups, sake flasks, warming pans, and plates arranged as armor, while the accompanying text brims with wit, blending diction from Chinese classics and military tales. Rather than a field-sighted apparition, it crystallizes the idea of spirits inhabiting objects and the Edo-period literacy that likened trends and the prestige of named masterpieces to a “battle.” The motif continued into Meiji-era ukiyo-e and is viewed as a classic in the lineage of the Night Parade of One Hundred Demons.

Shichihiro Nyōbō is a giant-woman tale widely told in Izumo, Oki, and Hōki, appearing at boundary places such as mountain paths, riverbanks, and shores. Her form shifts by locale: in Ama on Oki she is a wild-haired mocker who hurls stones, along the Shimane coast a sea-wind woman flashing blackened teeth, in Yasugi a beggar beauty trailing a long robe, and in Hōki a pallid grinder-woman who sharpens while singing grain songs. Common threads are excessive length of body or neck and the way laughter, gestures, or song serve as lures. In banishment tales, sword wounds link to petrification, with odd stones, mounds, or ancient trees named as origins, and some lineages claim heirloom swords or tack from these encounters. The cycle is not pure horror; beauty, begging for alms, and the humble fear tied to the sound of grinding grain mingle together, encoding folk lessons about handling boundary anxieties: do not meet the gaze, do not answer voices, avoid night roads. It is comparable to early modern long-faced demon-maidens, yet Shichihiro Nyōbō is marked by ties to local sacred landscapes of mountains and coasts.

Based on the account in Kabhiko, it is framed as a small dragon-serpent linked to a manor in Kyoto’s Higashiyama. It resembles a dragon yet is not deified, lurking beneath the soil and under stones, and manifests alongside ominous signs such as withering garden trees and cracked garden stones. Its defining trait is an extreme toxicity said to kill within moments of a bite, echoing ancient lore and fear of deadly vipers. Sightings are rare, with tales in which swarms of strange snakes appear first, and at the end the Seven-Step Viper reveals itself as the true body. It bears four legs, upright ears, and red scales edged in gold—colors read as both auspicious and baleful—and is often taken as a sign of a household’s decline or a disturbance in the land. In folk practice it is tied to neglected stones on mountain skirts and old gardens, and locals would pray before moving stones to avert calamity.

The image of the Kage-onna traces back to Sekien’s prints and has been understood as a “woman of shadow alone,” appearing where houses meet moon-cast light. In early modern homes, shoji and wooden doors let light pass, creating a boundary between outside brightness and interior dimness where a woman’s outline emerges. Lore says her visit is fleeting, more a portent of household unrest than a threat. Whether she is the shadow of the living or a trace of the dead is uncertain, and she is sometimes linked to family misfortune or the mood of the local deity. Proper conduct is to refrain from pursuit, lower the fire, close the doors, and speak no words. The next day, households often cleanse the well, garden trees, and crawlspace, seeking rites to calm the omen. The shadow makes no footsteps and shifts its shape in the wind. Dogs and cats are said to react keenly, yet harm is rarely told, and she seldom lingers.

Rooted in Toriyama Sekien’s illustration and brief caption, this lineage reads the shell box through the history of kaiawase shells and bridal trousseau chests. Lacking firsthand anecdotes, it stays within the general tsukumogami frame, overlaying the folk view that long-serving objects acquire feeling. Its form is childlike, with a key association to crawling baby dolls. Late at night in a silent tatami room, the lid of the shell box is said to open slightly, and a small childlike figure peeks out. It causes little harm, and is said to vanish when household goods are treated carelessly.

Reconstructed around the conceptual yokai image based on Sekien’s illustration. Shindanda does not fix its form, appearing as a presence in lonely places or as something at one’s back. It brushes a person’s collar, sending a chill that freezes the heart and guts. Its alternate names, “Coward-Spirit” and “Zozogami,” personify the psychological and physiological reactions that arise on battlefields or night roads, reflecting a premodern view that treated the signs of fear themselves as a kind of possession. Specific methods of exorcism are not standardized; folk practice records distractions such as fire, light, or traveling with companions, but no systematic rite is known. Lacking a physical body, it is rarely a target for capture or slaying, and has been explained mainly as the cause of chills and gooseflesh that overtake the mind and body.

The Deep Religious History of the "Misaki" Concept. While the basic overview touches upon the distribution of Shichinin Misaki, this deep dive explores the religious and historical undercurrents of the term "Misaki" itself. Written in kanji with characters meaning "vanguard" or "cape," "Misaki" originally denoted a divine attendant acting as the "herald or vanguard of a primary deity" in ancient Japan. Entities like the Kumano Misaki and Inari Misaki were recognized as orthodox heralds in shrine rituals. The folkloric evolution of this concept—transforming into "possessing collective spirits that cause illness" in the folk beliefs of western Japan—is profoundly fascinating. The shift in meaning from "herald gods" to "cursing collectives" physically embodies the historical stratification of ancient Ritsuryo-system Shinto, medieval Goryo (vengeful spirit) worship, and early modern folk belief. Global Comparison of Collective Spirits. "Multiple spirits acting collectively" like the Shichinin Misaki have parallels worldwide. The Lemures of ancient Rome (spirits appeased during May festivals), the Erinyes of ancient Greece (the three Furies), the Draugr hordes of Norse mythology, the "Yexing Shen" (Night-walking gods) of China, and the "Chilseong Shin" (Seven Star Gods) of Korea show that collective spirit lore developed globally from antiquity through the Middle Ages. However, the "fixed-number reincarnation structure" of Shichinin Misaki is structurally aberrant. It surpasses simple ghost stories, embodying an ancient societal imagination regarding the "eternal exchange between the dead and the living," making it a highly significant subject for comparative religious studies. Sengoku Samurai Tragedy and Spectral Transformation. The most famous lineage of Shichinin Misaki—the tragedy of Lord Kira Chikazane and his retainers—is the ultimate expression of collective suicide, martyrdom, and the lord-vassal bond among Sengoku-era samurai. Chikazane's forced seppuku after angering Chosokabe Motochika is a textbook case of "internal clan strife over succession, purging by a lord's wrath, and the martyrdom of retainers." The structure of "a lord and his seven men sharing their fate" encapsulates the essence of Japanese samurai ethics. The continuation of this bond after death as a collective spirit reveals how folkloric imagination repurposed the extreme tragedy of Sengoku samurai society into post-mortem grudges. The Magic of Hiding Thumbs: East Asian Funerary Rites. The defensive spell against Shichinin Misaki—"hiding the thumbs inside the fists"—is an ancient physical reflex common across East Asian (China, Korea, Japan) funerary and magical cultures. It was believed that in places heavily associated with death (funeral processions, graveyards, night roads, crossroads), evil spirits could invade the body through the thumbnails (ancient Japanese believed the soul resided in the nails). This reflects a shared ancient East Asian view of the body, where "the thumb is the center of the body and the seat of the soul." This connection proves that "Shikoku yokai legends" are not isolated provincial folklore, but vital research materials inextricably linked to the broader East Asian religious network. Medieval Goryo Worship and the Uniqueness of Western Japan. The structure of pacifying collective spirits, building shrines for them, and inheriting their rituals is seen throughout medieval Japan. So why did it develop so strongly in western Japan (Shikoku, Chugoku, Seto Inland Sea, northern Kyushu)? During the Heian and medieval periods, western Japan was the hub of maritime trade with the Korean Peninsula and the continent, making it a cultural sphere heavily infused with continental Daoism, Buddhism, and folk beliefs. Furthermore, as the periphery of the central court (Kyoto/Nara) dominated by aristocrats and elite monks, regional adaptations of Goryo worship, magic, and festivals thrived. The concentration of collective spirit lore like Shichinin Misaki in western Japan reflects this ancient and medieval cultural and religious geography. Natsuhiko Kyogoku and Modern Yokai Literature. Natsuhiko Kyogoku's *Jorougumo no Kotowari* (1996) reconstructs the collective spirit lore of western Japan as modern mystery, folkloric critique, and philosophical inquiry. Through his protagonist Akihiko Chuzenji (an antiquarian bookseller, Shinto priest, and folklorist), Kyogoku decodes Shichinin Misaki using modern perspectives: "yokai as the shadow of the mind" and "collective spirits as communal memory." As the flagship example of how post-war literature and modern horror reconstruct historical folklore with academic rigor, Shichinin Misaki—fueled by Komatsu's Goryo research and Kyogoku's literary decoding—remains a core engine driving 21st-century yokai studies. Shichinin Misaki in the 21st Century: Tourism and Academia. Today, Shichinin Misaki is actively sustained through Kochi tourism, the Shikoku Pilgrimage, paranormal media, and local history research. Kira Shrine and the memorial towers of Chikazane and his retainers are preserved as local cultural assets, spotlighting the "Shichinin Misaki of Tosa" as a representative folk heritage of Shikoku. Simultaneously, at the intersection of folkloric research and modern pop culture, they survive as "active" folkloric entities. It is one of the few collective spirit legends carrying a five-fold cultural lineage: Sengoku samurai tragedy → Medieval Goryo worship → Early modern folk belief → Modern tourism/literature → Academic research.

A baseline profile of Shidaidaka as a roadside, look-up-type apparition recorded across the Chugoku region. It resembles a human silhouette with head and shoulders dissolving into darkness, and its height stretches or shrinks in response to one’s gaze. Harmfulness varies by tale, but fear intensifies through the act of looking up. Countermeasures include keeping your gaze lowered, watching the ground, or peering between your legs, which causes the figure to diminish and dissipate. It is linked to the Mikoshi-nyudo, and tales of the similarly named “Shidai-zaka” are viewed as slope or mountain-path variants. Hunter stories connect it with the nekomata, and identifications differ by locale. Creative embellishments are common, but the core taboo warns that one’s gaze amplifies the phenomenon.

This shinigami is not a monster that attacks with a scythe or as a skeleton, but a storytelling device that turns lifespan into something "visible." In the rakugo play "Shinigami," the most unforgettable scene is where countless candles burn. Human lives line up as individual fires; there are long fires, short fires, and fires about to go out. Because abstract lifespan is converted into the light and dark right before one's eyes, the listener accepts death not through logic, but visually. The core of this version lies in the fact that the shinigami tests human judgment rather than killing humans. The man is taught a technique by the shinigami, learning that if the shinigami is at the patient's feet, they can be saved. The ability itself seems like a gift, but it also means bearing the responsibility of "one who can see." The shinigami does not give many orders; it only hands over rules. It is always the human who breaks them, and the way they break them oozes with attachment to greed, fear, emotion, and fame. The shinigami in rakugo is also a being that converted an imported folktale into Japanese humor. While possessing a skeleton similar to the Grimm tale "Godfather Death," Encho's oral performances push the doctor's rise to success, the slice-of-life feel of the nagaya, and the comical struggle for money to the forefront. Therefore, the shinigami borrows Western allegorical imagery while wearing the breath of Edo-Tokyo's popular entertainment. The duality of it being both scary and funny, of being cornered by the shortness of lifespan while laughing, supports the Japanization of this anomaly. Compared to the kings of the underworld, this shinigami is a mediator, not an administrator. King Enma judges sins after death, and Datsueba strips clothes from the dead, whereas the shinigami enters a person's room while they are still alive. It is because it is before death that negotiations occur, and because negotiations occur, a story is born. Standing in a more ambiguous and precarious place before the system of the afterlife begins is what opened the shinigami up to urban legends and modern creations. The terror of this version lies in the fact that the shinigami does not seem to act solely out of malice. It looks like it is helping the man, and it also looks like it has been luring him to ruin from the start. The ambiguity of being readable both ways distances the shinigami from a simple villain. It is natural for humans to wish to avoid death, but the moment that wish turns toward another's life or a loophole in the rules, the shinigami transforms from a quiet guide into a mirror of judgment. If handling this shinigami on a modern page, it is best not to confine it solely to the image of black robes. The lighting of a hospital room, the remaining amount of fire, a shadow standing at the pillow, an invisible promise, the boundary between medicine and superstition—the essence of the shinigami lies in the combination of these "signs forecasting death." In cards or diagnoses, positioning it as a presence that reflects both the heart that fears the end and the heart that wants to know the end will bring out the depth of this anomaly. When turning the shinigami into a page, one should avoid simply placing a Western-style skeleton and calling it a day. The Japanese "Shinigami" was established by the overlapping of rakugo, adapted folktales, Buddhist views of the underworld, and modern medical anxiety. Therefore, the structure of the transaction surrounding death is more important than its appearance. The fire is short, the position of the sickbed is bad, breaking the rules comes with a price. The combination of such conditions calls the shinigami. This personality is also the reason why the shinigami is repeatedly remade in modern creations. Because it is not fixed to a single classical picture, it can be a young man in black robes, an old man in white, a kind guide, or a cold contractor. Yet at its core remains the human desire to escape death, and the moment that desire inevitably hits a wall. In YOKAI.JP, keeping this mutability while placing the rakugo candle as the central axis is the strongest approach.

Shiramine Sagamibō is, among the Eight Great Tengu, the tengu most firmly bound to a single person—the Retired Emperor Sutoku. His image cannot stand apart from the story of Sutoku's vengeful spirit. The Retired Emperor Sutoku, defeated in the Hōgen Rebellion (1156), was exiled to Sanuki and died in the second year of Chōkan (1164) without ever being permitted to return to the capital. At his place of exile he copied out the five Mahāyāna sutras and sent them to the capital, but, suspected of a curse, had them flung back at him; in fury he swore an oath written in blood and is said to have become, while still living, a great tengu and a great demon (daimaen). Sagamibō guards the Shiramine mausoleum of this Sutoku, whom Yoritomo called "the greatest tengu in Japan." Shiramine-ji is the eighty-first station of the eighty-eight temples of Shikoku, the Shiramine mausoleum is the only imperial tomb in Shikoku, and beside it stands the Tonshō-ji-den, which enshrines the spirit of Sutoku-in. It was literature that made Sagamibō immortal. Its original source is the mid-Kamakura Senjūshō, attributed to Saigyō, whose "On the New Retired Emperor's Tomb at Shiramine" carries a tale of Saigyō mourning Sutoku's tomb at Shiramine. The Noh play Matsuyama Tengu, which dramatized it, takes Sutoku-in as the shite and Saigyō as the waki, and depicts Sagamibō as a tengu attending Sutoku. Further, the "Shiramine" of Ueda Akinari's Ugetsu Monogatari is a story in which Saigyō mourns Sutoku's spirit at the Shiramine mausoleum and converses with the wrathful Sutoku-in; Sagamibō became the being running through this lineage since the Senjūshō. The vengeful spirit and the tengu who stays beside it—the relation of Sutoku and Sagamibō is a rare point where the faith in goryō (vengeful spirits) and the faith in tengu meet. There are two theories on Sagamibō's origin: that it derives from Sagami Ajari Shōson, who sided with Sutoku in the Hōgen Monogatari, and that he was a tengu who came from Mt. Ōyama in Sagami. The latter forms a pair with the seat-transfer tradition arranged by Chigiri Kōsai—that the Sagamibō of Ōyama, in devotion to Sutoku, removed to Sanuki, and Hōkibō entered the vacant Sagami Ōyama. Either way, Shiramine Sagamibō sits at the western end of the Eight Great Tengu, transmitted at Shiramine in Sanuki as the tengu who keeps guarding the soul of Sutoku, one of Japan's three great vengeful spirits.

This form of Shiranui appears in ordered ranks before dawn on the first day of the eighth lunar month. Several kilometers offshore, one or two reddish lights first emerge. Coastal people call them oyabi, the 'parent fires.' They split to either side, producing more and more 'child fires' until hundreds or thousands form a single band across the sea. Tradition lets the line extend four to eight ri, roughly sixteen to thirty-two kilometers. It is almost invisible from a beach close to the water but clear from a headland or rise about ten ken above it. Around the deepest ebb of the tide, the lights settle into their most regular pattern, flickering behind the waves like the scales of a submerged dragon. The fires retreat when chased and draw away when a boat comes near. Anyone who tries to capture them sees both light and reflection slip aside, leaving only a direction back toward shore. An old account says that such a parent fire appeared when Emperor Keikō's vessel was surrounded by darkness and turned its prow safely landward. Coastal communities therefore treated the flame whose maker no one knew with reverence. On the night of Hassaku they stopped their nets, rested their oars, and waited for the line to come apart. Although the parent fires are sometimes linked with the presence of a violent dragon deity, they are not said to delight in harming people. Their lesson is against arrogance and haste. A boat intent on quick profit may wander among the lights and finally be forced to furl its sails. Someone who listens to the tide instead climbs a shore pine, studies the rhythm of the flames, and leaves quietly through a break in the line. The shoals then prove unexpectedly calm, and on the return journey a last light may sway against the shore as though welcoming the boat. Villagers call the display Thousand Lanterns or Dragon Lanterns and press their hands together. If people shout its name crudely or mock it, the ordered lights scatter at once into sea fog. Wind does not feed Shiranui as it would an ordinary flame; the lights grow and diminish only with the pulse of the tide. That is why they form a clean band from a cape or mound while vanishing at the water's edge. A seaside shrine rope bending slightly toward the water, or a change in the color of a lighthouse flame, is also said to warn that the offshore lights are beginning. Elders who know the signs tell young crews that the tide is falling and the fire will rise, and advise them not to sail. No ash or smoke remains. For a brief hour after dawn, shells on the tidal flat are said to glow pale rose and dew on the reeds to keep the fire's last color. On such mornings, villagers scatter salt on the beach and give thanks for the lives guided home. The parent fires open a way for those who understand awe and courtesy, retreat from the overconfident, and quietly draw the boundary between human beings and the sea anew.

Anchored in Toriyama Sekien’s imagery, this version sees an aged dishcloth trailing long and fluttering in the wind, reimagined as a yokai. The original illustration offers little about harming humans, so it is understood as a symbol of attachment to old objects and the impermanence of things. Aggressive traits found in later ghost tales should be kept separate; here the focus is the eerie nature of a “moving old cloth” and the visual impression of it gliding between walls under a night lamp.

The origins of the Shojo lie in two lineages of lore from Chinese classics. ① The "Speaking Beast" Lineage — In the "Quli" section of the "Book of Rites", it is stated: "The parrot can speak, but it still belongs to the birds; the shojo can speak, but it still belongs to the beasts" (a moralistic quote meaning that even if it understands human speech, it does not transcend the realm of beasts). The "Erya" describes it as "small and fond of howling," while the "Classic of Mountains and Seas" states: "On Mount Zhaoyao, there is a beast whose shape resembles a macaque with white ears; it crouches to walk and runs like a human. Its name is xingxing (=shojo), and eating it makes one a good runner." ② The "Beast Fond of Wine and Blood" Lineage — The "Commentary on the Water Classic" notes that the shojo of Pingdao County in Jiaozhi "looks like a yellow dog or a badger, has a human face with regular features, is good at talking with people, and its voice is as beautiful as a fine woman's." The "Lüshi Chunqiu" considers "the lips of the shojo" a great delicacy, while Li Shizhen's "Bencao Gangmu" (1596) details it as a creature from Jiaozhi (modern-day northern Vietnam) with a human face, beast's body, yellow hair, and a fondness for wine. The modern associations with the orangutan or palm civet are later identifications; academically, the classical shojo is best understood not as a real animal but as a composite image of a legendary sacred beast. Its introduction to Japan occurred before the Middle Ages via Chinese texts and Buddhist scriptures. The "Wamyō Ruijushō" (10th century) introduced it as a "speaking beast" citing the "Erya", and it appeared indirectly in the "Konjaku Monogatarishu". Terajima Ryoan's "Wakan Sansai Zue" (1712) was groundbreaking — it explicitly pointed out that "yellow hair is correct, and the 'red hair' theory circulating in Japan is mistaken." Nevertheless, the image of "red hair" became entrenched in Japan due to the influence of Noh theater, a divergence that forms an interesting point of debate in art history and folklore. The uniquely Japanese image of red hair flowed backward from Noh costumes and became fixed. The Noh play "Shojo" (established in the Muromachi period, author unknown) is a current repertoire piece for all five schools, and is one of the most beloved plays, serving as a fifth-group play and kiri-Noh. Set at the Xunyang River in Tang China, it tells the story of Kofu, a filial son who sells wine in the village of Yangzi, and succeeds after a dream revelation. A red-faced customer who frequents Kofu's shop daily introduces himself as the "Shojo who lives in the sea." Waiting at the Xunyang River on a moonlit night, the Shojo appears, drinks wine, performs a dance, and bestows an "inexhaustible wine jar" — a celebratory theme of rewarding filial piety. The play fuses sources like the "Tang Guo Shi Bu", the "Chuci" (The Fisherman), and Li Bai's poem about the Xunyang River. The costume features a red wig, red Karaori robe, scarlet divided skirts, and a dedicated Shojo mask (painted red, with a smiling mouth and eyes). Its highlight is the "chu-no-mai" dance, or the special performance (kogaki) "midare" — a highly advanced technique where the performer glides over the water with erratic, flowing steps. In the Edo period, because Jurojin and Fukurokuju of the Seven Lucky Gods were identical, a variant Seven Lucky Gods circulated where Jurojin was replaced by the Shojo. Kita Sadakichi's "Study of the Gods of Fortune" (1920) cites primary sources like the "Genroku Gorui Setsuyo", making it academically robust. This variant form also appears in treasure ship paintings by Hokusai, Kuniyoshi, and Yoshitoshi. A "Shojo" giant doll festival has been passed down since the mid-Edo period in Arimatsu and Tokai City in Nagoya. Spreading along the old Tokaido highway, it already appeared in the "Narumi Festival Picture" of 1779. Giant red Shojo dolls chase children, and being tapped by one is believed to ward off summer diseases and epidemics. There are also local legends across the country, such as oral traditions of small Shojo appearing at sea in Toyama, or a ship-ghost variant demanding "give me a barrel" in Yamaguchi. "Shojohi" (Shojo scarlet) is a deep crimson color originating from the red costumes of the Noh play "Shojo". Though popularly called the "color of Shojo's blood," the actual dye was cochineal/kermes, and the "Shojo's blood" is merely a myth. Scarlet woolen cloth imported via the Nanban trade in the late Muromachi to early Edo periods was highly prized by Sengoku warlords for their surcoats. During the Edo period, it was such a rare luxury that the shogunate would confiscate it from merchants, making it a symbol of martial prowess and authority. In modern times, it appeared in Hayao Miyazaki's "Princess Mononoke" (1997) as the "sages of the forest," trying to replant trees to restore the forest but unable to keep up with humans, begging San to "let us eat humans, we want human strength". The red image of the Shojo is also inherited in biological names like the fruit fly (Drosophila, named for its attraction to alcohol), the Shojo dragonfly, and the Shojo-bakama flower.

In Japan it is understood as a foreign divinity-spiritoriginating in the Classic of Mountains and Seas and related encyclopedic interests. Imagery follows the key points of a human face upon an immense red serpent body, whose opening and closing eyes divide day from night and whose breathing brings seasonal winds and heat or cold. Confusion with the Torch Dragon appears in early modern commentaries, yet most introductions cautiously note textual loci and descriptive differences, and signs of domestic worship are scarce. Consequently, local rites, taboos, and oral lore are meager, with reception centered on reading, sketching, and use as an art motif. It is often cited as an example of incorporating a foreign divinity into yokai catalogues and is positioned as a personification of time and the seasons.

In early modern tales, the Vermilion Tray is depicted as a red-faced monk-like figure, appearing as an accomplice of the Long-Tongued Crone or showing its visage alone, reappearing to unnerve and harm people. The name varies between “Watcher of Necks” and “Vermilion Tray,” commonly read as Shunoban. Classic illustrations and yokai prints note a red face, horns, a split mouth, and a fiery aura, though details differ by source. Encounters occur mainly at night at shrine gates, in wastelands, and in tumbledown shacks, and the harm is told as loss of spirit leading to fainting, lingering illness, or death. Reports span regions such as Aizu and Echigo, not as a fixed local deity but as a circulating tale-type of the uncanny.

This portrait draws on the chieftain who leads his oni followers from Ōeyama. He descends into inhabited places in the guise of a monk or young warrior, exploiting indulgence in drink, sexual desire, and human weakness. At banquets he observes a host’s courtesies, though he is a violent oni who abducts people. In the slaying tale, his enemies turn an oath made before the deities against him and weaken him with poisoned sake. His willingness to admit guests in yamabushi dress proves fatal.

An interpretive reconstruction based on Shōgorō from Toriyama Sekien’s Hyakki Tsurezure Bukuro, linking the tsukumogami notion of spirits inhabiting tools with the muromachi-era Waniguchi bell monster seen in Night Parade picture scrolls. Because the name plays on words, it cannot be conclusively read as the vengeful spirit of any specific person. In the Kansai region it has been read against the Yodoya “Golden Rooster” legend, serving as an image that warns against the pursuit of wealth and fame. It is depicted as a round temple gong or waniguchi bell sprouting limbs, sounding of its own accord to give warning. No field sightings survive, and primary sources are picture scrolls, yokai paintings, and their notes.

Based on Toriyama Sekien’s depiction, this interpretation frames the yokai as a watchful presence peering through a skylight during Kōshin night. It is identified with the Sanshi or treated as a spiritual agent acting on their behalf, examining human sloth and broken vows and, upon transgression, bringing misfortune with sharp claws. The name also appears in historical kana as “Shaukerá” or “Seukerá,” and its concrete form varies by region and source, yet it is positioned as a yokai that visualizes the normative ethos of Kōshin belief. Early modern sources offer little explanatory text, with later folkloric readings filling the gaps.

This version turns to the phenomenon of "kappa possession" that the Shōkichi tale conveys. Most kappa stories play out at the water’s edge, but here the river sumo is carried right into the home. Brought back by his family, Shōkichi went on raging as if locked in a grapple with an unseen opponent—exactly the work, people said, of a kappa that had possessed a human being. A water-spirit climbing onto dry land by borrowing a human body: there lies the spine-chilling fascination of this tale. The means of quelling it, too, reflects the faith of the land. What first took effect was the power of Gō Yoshihiro’s signed blade. The belief that the kappa dreads a keen edge is found in many regions, and the detail that it raged again once the sword was removed shows that power plainly. What finally settled the disturbance was the prayer of a shugenja, an ascetic who trains secluded in the mountains. Quelling kappa possession with these two—the power of the blade and the ascetic’s spiritual force—is a hallmark of Kyushu kappa tales. Hita has gathered many kappa stories, the Hita Gunshi foremost among them, and together with the "Bungo Kawatarō" of the same Bungo, they attest to the depth of this region’s kappa beliefs.

Spirit Wind is spoken of as an invisible wind that brings sudden chills, fever, and lightheadedness to those it touches. Its timing on the morning of the sixteenth day of Bon is emphasized, and the “spirits” here are the souls of ancestors or the unconnected dead. The wind is understood as carrying the aura of spirits crossing the boundary between return and departure. In the Goto Islands, people strictly avoid graves and grave roads on that day and refrain from going out. On Iki Island, illness is seen as a possessing wind, with graveyard-origin termed dead-spirit wind and grievance-origin termed living-spirit wind. It aligns with regional beliefs in malign winds, where seasonal fatigue and sudden gusts intersect with folk explanations and are remembered as spirit afflictions. It is not told as a yokai with active malice, but as a taboo that warns of misfortune for those who mistake the date or place.

An edition distilled from late Edo-period ukiyo-e and comic prints depicting the smiling Hannya. Horns, fangs, bristling hair, wide staring eyes, and a strained grin form its core. Objects in its hands often allude to life and death, unsettling viewers with deliberate motifs. The demon-woman is understood to have once been human, transformed by accumulated jealousy, resentment, and attachment, aligning with the concept behind the Hannya mask. Specific local legends are sparse, yet it was treated in night-time tales and picture books as a symbol of fear and admonition, preserved as an image of the extreme of a woman’s grudge. In local oral tradition sometimes only the name remains, with the transmission of its form relying mainly on pictorial sources.