海の神と山の天狗が一座に集う。象頭山·金刀比羅宮の妖怪事典

The original term for Konpira is the Sanskrit Kumbhīra, a deification of crocodiles inhabiting the Ganges River. In Hinduism, it is the mount of Gaṅgā. It was incorporated into Buddhism as Kumbhira, chief of the Twelve Heavenly Generals. Through Honji Suijaku, it syncretized with the local deity Omononushi-no-Kami into "Zozusan Konpira Daigongen." Kotohira-gu is situated halfway up Mount Zozu. The approach consists of 1368 stone steps. The main deity is Omononushi-no-Mikoto, with Emperor Sutoku enshrined alongside. The enshrinement of Emperor Sutoku is a typical example of Goryo (vengeful spirit) worship. Exiled to Sanuki after the Hogen Rebellion, he deeply revered Konpira Daigongen. The renaming due to the Meiji Shinbutsu Bunri marked the greatest turning point in its history. It was transformed into the Shinto "Kotohirasan Kotohira-gu." Its rise during the Edo period was a massive leap forward as a guardian of the sea. It became the "supreme deity of maritime protection." The folk song "Konpira Funefune" became a nationwide hit. The Konpira dog is a rare folk custom of the Edo proxy pilgrimage culture. Those unable to make the pilgrimage sent their pet dogs as proxies. The phonetic transcription path originates from Sanskrit Kumbhīra → Chinese transliteration → Japanese "Konpira."

Izutamahiko no Mikoto is a rare deity whose existence traces three stages of elevation: originally a real high-ranking monk, Kongobo Yusei (the fourth head of Konkoin, died 1613), who became a tengu and guardian spirit after death, and was finally redefined as a Shinto deity during the Meiji era's separation of Shinto and Buddhism. While the principal deity Konpira (Omononushi) originates from a foreign water god (Kumbhira) and presides over "maritime protection," Izutamahiko no Mikoto embodies the lineage of "mountain asceticism and tengu worship." The dual structure of the Mount Zozu faith—where a god of the sea and a tengu of the mountain reside together—is demonstrated through the relationship between the principal deity and the deity of the Okusha (Inner Shrine), making this deity highly significant in religious history. The Okusha, Izutama Shrine, sits at an altitude of 421 meters, 1,368 steps away from the main shrine, and is considered the second holiest site of Kotohira-gu.

This edition is not about a single seat on a particular sacred mountain, but a general treatise that thoroughly unravels "what a tengu is" from the history of its iconography and types. The individual traditions of each seat are left to the page of each great tengu. The form of the tengu is not uniform. The first type is the long-nosed tengu—ruddy face and high nose, clad in the ascetic's headcloth (tokin) and the suzukake robe, a feather fan in hand and one-toothed high clogs on the feet. The second is the crow tengu, with a crow's beak and wings, grasping a sword or a vajra staff. The third are the lesser tengu called leaf tengu and wood-chip tengu, held to be weak and numerous kin. Rather than a fixed classification, these reflect the breadth of the tengu image across eras and regions. The iconography shifted over time. The Heian-period tengu was first conceived as a bird like a black kite, and the image of the crow tengu retains that vestige. The long nose grows prominent only from the late Kamakura period; the Zegaibō Emaki depicts a scene in which a tengu that had disguised itself as a human has its nose lengthen as it returns to bird form. As for the origin of the long nose, there are theories that derive it from the high-nosed Jidō mask of gigaku and link the crow tengu to the Karura (Garuda) mask, and a view that sees the long nose as an iconographic vestige of a bird's beak—but none can be called settled doctrine. It was overlaid with the god Sarutahiko, described in the Nihon Shoki as having a nose seven hand-spans long, and the custom arose of using a tengu mask for the role of Sarutahiko in festivals. The tengu's dual nature is rooted in the Buddhist notion of the way of the tengu. Because it studies the Buddhist path it does not fall into hell, and because it handles heterodox arts it cannot reach paradise either—an intermediate state, and the one who falls there was held to be the arrogant monk. The Tengu Zōshi depicts this notion as satire of the monks of the seven great temples, yet Chigiri Kōsai too warns that the simplification "only arrogant monks become tengu" goes too far. Demon though it is, once subdued it turns to guardianship, and it was held that if a Shugendō practitioner recites the Tengu Sutra he may summon the tengu of the various provinces to grant his wishes—this amplitude between guardian and demon is the very core of the tengu. The certain medieval source for the grouping called the "Eight Great Tengu" lies in the libretto of the Muromachi-period Noh play Kurama Tengu. The passage in which the great tengu calls up the tengu of the provinces he commands in geographical order—"In Tsukushi, Buzenbō of Hiko-san; in the four provinces of Shikoku, Sagamibō of Shiramine; Hōkibō of Ōyama; Saburō of Iizuna… the host of Zenki of Ōmine, Takama of Katsuragi"—shows that the Eight Great Tengu were rooted in medieval belief and performing arts, not an Edo invention. Still, the composition wavers by source, with a variant that adds Hōkibō of Ishizuchi-san; it is no fixed roster.

Konpira-bo is a yokai that embodies the history of Kotohira-gu (Matsuo-dera Konpira Daigongen) as a sacred mountain of Shugendo during the era of Shinto-Buddhist syncretism. Listed as one of the "Forty-Eight Tengu," he is revered as the great tengu commanding Mount Zozu in Sanuki. His true form is either a yamabushi who accumulated harsh austerities and transformed into a tengu, or a familiar (guardian deity) of Konpira Daigongen. This duality represents a typical structure of tengu legends in mountain beliefs across Japan. Particularly within the Konpira faith, which holds aspects of a maritime guardian and water deity, he assumes the role of warding off evil and dispensing divine punishment while enshrined in the deep mountains behind the shrine. Although Kotohira-gu is a Shinto shrine today, ascending the stone steps to the inner shrine and walking along the approach lined with ancient trees still profoundly conveys the majesty of the forest once believed to be the domain of Konpira-bo, imbued with the atmosphere of Shugendo.

This edition follows in close detail—discerning the boundary between history and the legend that runs from the Hōgen Monogatari onward—how a single deposed emperor turned into the Great Tengu and Great Demon-Bond called the greatest in Japanese history. First, the history must be grasped. Sutoku's misfortune lay in the political exclusion of being shunned by the cloistered emperor Toba as an "uncle-child" and being made to abdicate without ever holding the power of cloistered rule. After the early death of Emperor Konoe, that his younger brother Go-Shirakawa, rather than his own son Prince Shigehito, was set up became the trigger for the Hōgen Rebellion (1156). On the defeated Sutoku's side, Minamoto no Tameyoshi and Taira no Tadamasa were put to public execution for the first time in roughly four hundred years, and Sutoku himself was exiled to Sanuki. Up to here it is history grounded in records. The uncanny is born beyond that, in the stratum of legend. Both the curse said to have been written in blood—"I shall become the Great Demon-Bond"—after biting off his tongue, and the figure of him turning into a tengu with nails and hair grown long, are stories transmitted not by contemporary records but by the Kamakura-period Hōgen Monogatari. Yet this legend spread with great persuasive force, and the great fires, forceful appeals, and upheavals that struck the capital from the Angen years onward—indeed, the Jishō-Juei War leading to the fall of the Taira—came to be read as Sutoku's curse. The events themselves are history; the interpretation that ascribes them to Sutoku's rancor is goryō belief—the two must be seen as sharply distinct. What fixed Sutoku's tengu image was literature. "Unkei Miraiki," book twenty-seven of the Taiheiki, depicts Sutoku as a demon-king ruling the throngs of tengu and demon-bonds, and in the early-modern era "Shiramine" in Ueda Akinari's Ugetsu Monogatari gave vivid form to Sutoku's vengeful spirit confronting Saigyō—not as a long-nosed tengu but as a golden kite. The image of Sutoku told of as "the foremost Great Tengu of Japan" and "the greatest vengeful spirit in Japanese history" stands upon this accumulation of literature. What deserves attention is that his pacification reached even into the modern era. In the first year of Meiji (1868), the Meiji government welcomed Sutoku's divine spirit, resting in Sanuki, to the capital and enshrined it at Shiramine Jingū. That at the outset of a new reign they still feared the curse of a deposed emperor seven hundred years past tells how deep-rooted the dread of Sutoku's vengeful spirit was. A poet who left a famous verse in the Hyakunin Isshu, and a great demon-king who curses the throne—this very gulf is what pushed Retired Emperor Sutoku to the apex of goryō belief.