This version of Kagutsuchi bears fire not as a "convenient attribute" but as an "event that changes the world." In the "Kojiki," the scene where Izanami dies giving birth to the fire god instantly pivots the bright story of national creation to the tale of Yomi (the underworld). Fire is the result of birth, yet it takes the mother goddess away. Here lies the fundamental duality between the fire that sustains life and the fire that burns houses and bodies. The scene of Kagutsuchi being slain is the epitome of creation arising from destruction. When Izanagi's sword severs the fire god, other deities are born from the blood and body parts. The myth does not end by extinguishing the fire. Even when cut, the power of fire branches off into blood, swords, mountains, and lightning. Kagutsuchi is not a self-contained deity, but a generating device for subsequent gods. Layering the variant traditions of the "Nihon Shoki" reveals that Kagutsuchi is the totality of fire passed down with fluctuating names and personalities in the Kiki. Names like Kagutsuchi and Homusubi are not mere spelling differences, but indicate multiple perspectives grasping fire as "that which burns," "that which creates," and "that which possesses spiritual power." In YOKAI.JP, explaining this fluctuation adds depth to the page as a divine spirit. Kagutsuchi, expanding into fire prevention beliefs, reverses from a god of terror to a god of protection. At Atago Shrine and Akihasan Hongu Akiha Shrine, prayers are continuously offered to him as a god of fire and fire prevention. Precisely because he is the god with the power to cause fires, he is expected to have the power to quell them. The mindset of not avoiding the cause of disaster but praying at its center is characteristic of Japanese fire protection beliefs. Visually, this version is better suited by layering childbirth, swords, and mountains rather than a simple ball of flame. Red fire, black soot, blood dripping from a sword, fire protection talismans on mountain peaks, the dark entrance to Yomi. When these elements align, Kagutsuchi stands up not as a fantasy fire attribute, but as a dangerous turning point in myth. In diagnoses or cards, Kagutsuchi symbolizes strong change. When one cannot proceed to the next stage without ending something, when one has no choice but to burn down the old order, he becomes a terrifying but necessary god. However, fire cannot be treated lightly. Kagutsuchi's protection is only directed at those who take responsibility even for the aftermath of the burning. Reading Kagutsuchi in relation to Izanami, fire appears as a wound left on the mother goddess's body. The birth of fire takes the mother, and her death spawns the story of the underworld. In other words, Kagutsuchi bears not only the blessing of parent-child relations but also the mythological pain that birth hurts someone. There is a weight there beyond a mere god of flames. Kagutsuchi as a god of fire prevention is also the name for humans to coexist with dangerous forces. Life cannot be sustained without using fire. But if fire is used, disaster can strike at any time. Prayer is not a technique to extinguish fire, but the ethics of living with fire. If this sense of daily life is included in Kagutsuchi's page, ancient mythology and folklore connect beautifully. In the association network, it expands not only to Izanami and Izanagi but also to fire and mountain anomalies like Atagoyama Tarobo and Kasha. Placing Kagutsuchi allows the stream from the upper reaches of mythology through folk fire protection beliefs to yokai-like images of fire to converge into a single flow.

What made Atago-san Tarōbō "the supreme commander of the tengu"? The question lies in the overlap between the history of the Atago cult and the figure of this single tengu. As a sacred mountain of fire-warding, Mt. Atago was the center of the Atago Gongen cult, syncretized with its original Buddhist form, Shōgun Jizō. The Hakuun-ji engi, which transmits its founding, tells of the ascent of En no Ozunu and Taichō, the shrine on Asahi Peak, and the syncretism with Shōgun Jizō. Shōgun Jizō is an armored Jizō mounted on horseback, joining victory in war with protection from fire. Bearing the numinous power of this Atago Gongen, Tarōbō took on the character of a thaumaturge and guardian deity surpassing any mere mountain apparition. The star-anise flower against fire, the talismans above each hearth, the Atago confraternities (kō) across the land—this density of folk practice was the foundation that raised Tarōbō to the summit of the tengu of every province. The oldest-class textual witness to his proper name is found in the Engyō-bon Tale of the Heike (transcribed 1309–10), where he appears as "the foremost great tengu of Japan" and "Tarōbō of Mt. Atago." As to his identity, the theory in the Genpei Jōsuiki of the fallen Shinzei (Kakimoto no Ki Sōjō) is renowned; but Shinzei was a man of the early Heian period, and since the dates do not match the era the Jōsuiki sets, this is an undeterminable "tradition." It should be read as a tale that lays over Tarōbō the Buddhist notion that arrogance casts a high monk down into a tengu, and his origin cannot be fixed to a single source. His standing as supreme commander is attested by both the performing arts and the scriptures. The Noh play Kurama Tengu of the Muromachi period chants the great tengu of the provinces in geographical order, and the early-modern Tengu-kyō arrays the forty-eight tengu and places Tarōbō at their head. The image of him leading a retinue of crow-tengu and commanding the lords from Hira-san Jirōbō downward rests upon this accumulation of medieval tengu tales. An iconography of him armed and astride a boar is also transmitted, yet his essence lies in being a Gongen-like presence enthroned on the peak, guarding the sacred precincts across Yamashiro. Chigiri Kōsai of tengu scholarship likewise set Tarōbō at the apex of the great tengu of all the mountains.

This edition is not about a single seat on a particular sacred mountain, but a general treatise that thoroughly unravels "what a tengu is" from the history of its iconography and types. The individual traditions of each seat are left to the page of each great tengu. The form of the tengu is not uniform. The first type is the long-nosed tengu—ruddy face and high nose, clad in the ascetic's headcloth (tokin) and the suzukake robe, a feather fan in hand and one-toothed high clogs on the feet. The second is the crow tengu, with a crow's beak and wings, grasping a sword or a vajra staff. The third are the lesser tengu called leaf tengu and wood-chip tengu, held to be weak and numerous kin. Rather than a fixed classification, these reflect the breadth of the tengu image across eras and regions. The iconography shifted over time. The Heian-period tengu was first conceived as a bird like a black kite, and the image of the crow tengu retains that vestige. The long nose grows prominent only from the late Kamakura period; the Zegaibō Emaki depicts a scene in which a tengu that had disguised itself as a human has its nose lengthen as it returns to bird form. As for the origin of the long nose, there are theories that derive it from the high-nosed Jidō mask of gigaku and link the crow tengu to the Karura (Garuda) mask, and a view that sees the long nose as an iconographic vestige of a bird's beak—but none can be called settled doctrine. It was overlaid with the god Sarutahiko, described in the Nihon Shoki as having a nose seven hand-spans long, and the custom arose of using a tengu mask for the role of Sarutahiko in festivals. The tengu's dual nature is rooted in the Buddhist notion of the way of the tengu. Because it studies the Buddhist path it does not fall into hell, and because it handles heterodox arts it cannot reach paradise either—an intermediate state, and the one who falls there was held to be the arrogant monk. The Tengu Zōshi depicts this notion as satire of the monks of the seven great temples, yet Chigiri Kōsai too warns that the simplification "only arrogant monks become tengu" goes too far. Demon though it is, once subdued it turns to guardianship, and it was held that if a Shugendō practitioner recites the Tengu Sutra he may summon the tengu of the various provinces to grant his wishes—this amplitude between guardian and demon is the very core of the tengu. The certain medieval source for the grouping called the "Eight Great Tengu" lies in the libretto of the Muromachi-period Noh play Kurama Tengu. The passage in which the great tengu calls up the tengu of the provinces he commands in geographical order—"In Tsukushi, Buzenbō of Hiko-san; in the four provinces of Shikoku, Sagamibō of Shiramine; Hōkibō of Ōyama; Saburō of Iizuna… the host of Zenki of Ōmine, Takama of Katsuragi"—shows that the Eight Great Tengu were rooted in medieval belief and performing arts, not an Edo invention. Still, the composition wavers by source, with a variant that adds Hōkibō of Ishizuchi-san; it is no fixed roster.